General Trends of English Politics Before The Viking Invasions Essay Example for Free

General Trends of English Politics Before The Viking Invasions Essay Do you detect any general trend or trends in the pattern of English politics before the Viking invasions? Although there were sporadic Viking attacks on the coasts of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms from 793 onwards, the Viking invasions, when large forces started to appear for sustained campaigns, should probably be seen as beginning in 865, when a heathen army encamped on Thanet.1 Before this time, we see a trend in English politics of increasingly extensive overlordship of some kings over others. There is debate about the extent of these overlordships, but it seems reasonable to suggest that certain kings at certain times were able to dominate other kingdoms, and also that there was some increase in the area a king might aspire to control. However, there is more argument about what this trend might mean, and particularly whether it can be seen as part of an inexorable progression towards the unification of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms in the ninth and tenth centuries. I shall argue that the pattern tended to a limit, and that there is no reason to see unification as its inevitable result, for three main reasons. Firstly, we see another trend that, as kingdoms grew both in size and strength, it became harder to convert overlordship into amalgamation, although this is seen in some cases. Secondly, I shall contend that the overlordship seen was based upon opportunism, with little or no institutional continuity between different overlords. Thirdly, the nature of Anglo-Saxon politics was such that no kingdom before the Viking invasions could sustain its ascendancy sufficiently for the trends to represent long-term moves towards unification. The best way to explain the eventual unification is not as a result of long-term trends, but as West Saxon opportunism at a time when the other kingdoms were weak, buttressed by a latent sense of united ecclesiastical identity, which the Viking threat brought to the surface. The main trend that we see in the pre-Viking Anglo-Saxon kingdoms is the growth of overlordship, whereby one political unit, while retaining a degree of separate identity, and quite possibly its own ruler, was dominated by another. Bede uses a variety of terms to refer to different rulers, including rex, princeps and subregulus. The impression that one gets from this is a complex patchwork of kings, with some subordinate to others: Dumville and Campbell both justifiably point out that the terminological variety suggests that there was no universal pattern, but a web of dependent relationships; this is similar to the situation in Ireland at the same time. It is likely that such relationships go back to the beginning of the Anglo-Saxon period; Kirby points out that this would hardly be surprising, since Tacitus describes similar hierarchies in Germany. However, we do see overlordship being exercised over increasingly large areas: the traditional starting point here is Bedes list of sev en kings who ruled over all the southern kingdoms. 2 The evidence does generally support the view that these kings exercised considerable power over large parts of England. Keynes asserts that it is inconceivable that Aelle of Sussex and Ceawlin of Wessex, the first two rulers, could have wide ranging power. We know little about them, but the Chronicle entries do suggest that they were significant and had successes, particularly against the Britons.3 Furthermore, Myres studies of the distribution of pottery fragments suggest that both rulers exercised some authority in the Midlands and East Anglia, since pottery finds match those in their native kingdoms. The evidence is not sufficient to suggest that they had control as far north as the Humber, but we would be unwise to dismiss the idea that these kings had some form of overlordship over much of southern England. Furthermore, Keynes is sceptical about Aethelbert of Kents power, suggesting that Bedes reiteration of the claim that he was king of all the land south of the Humber4 shows that this was dubious, requiring repetition to convince readers. However, the papal appeal that Aethelbert should spread the Word to his subjects suggests that he had considerable power, as Higham argues, even if he was not literally king of the English, the style accorded to him by the appeal.5 It is less easy to rebut Keynes diminution of Raedwald of East Anglia, since we know very little about him. If we could be more certain that the person buried at Sutton Hoo is indeed Raedwald (as many historians posit), we could assume that he was a very rich and powerful king; however, Keynes does not give us any positive reason to doubt Bedes claim regarding Raedwalds wide overlordship. Although Keynes asserts that Bede makes inflated claims about the scope of the influence of Edwin, Oswald and Oswiu of Northumbria, there is no strong evidence to support this: Bedes account is internally consistent, giving examples of these kings intervening in the Mevanian Islands (Angelsey and Man),6 Wessex,7 East Anglia,8 and Mercia9 at various times. These interventions could be entirely military (as is implied for the islands) or could involve peaceful shows of power, such as Oswalds participation in the baptism of Cynigils of Wessex. It seems reasonable to conclude that these kings did exert influence across large parts of Southumbria and it appears that the areas they could control increased; Keynes attempt to deny extensive overlordship in this period to strengthen his (already strong) case against a formal Bretwaldic institution is not particularly convincing. Furthermore, overlordship did not end with Oswiu: indeed, the later Mercian kings were possibly even more successful in securing practical overlordship across much of Southumbria. Bede acknowledges that the southern kingdoms were subject to Aethelbald at the time he was writing,10 supporting Dumvilles conclusion that the omission of the Mercian kings from the earlier list was prompted by concern to curtail the digression from Aethelberts death, rather than Northumbrian bias. There is evidence of Mercian hegemony in the south before Aethelbald: Bede explicitly states that the South Saxons were subject to Wulfhere11 and Eddius refers to Wulfheres ability to draw forces from all the southern kingdoms.12 Furthermore, charters give us evidence that Mercian kings were overlords in Southumbria: in the Ismere Diploma, Aethelbald is styled king not only of the Mercians but also of all provinces which are called by the general name South English';13 Offa could confirm a land grant by an ealdorman of the South Saxons;14 Offa was apparently the most beloved lord of the Hwicce;15 Offa was in a position to revoke a grant of land by the King Egbert of Kent;16 Wiglaf could grant land in Worcestershire;17 and Brihtwulf could do the same in Berkshire.18 This charter evidence is very important: it demonstrates that the kings of Mercia in this period claimed authority over other southern kingdoms and also implies that this authority could have practical manifestations, such as the right to grant land or at least to confirm grants made by their underkings. The extent of their authority seems to decline after Offa, but the principle of overlordship, in a more limited sense, continued. One of the most debated possible indicators of widespread Mercian overlordship is the document known as the Tribal Hidage. The difficulties and ambiguities of this text are such that the charter evidence cited is a far stronger sign of extensive Mercian overlordship, but there is a significant possibility that the Tribal Hidage is a Mercian tribute list, estimating the tribute that the Mercian kings hoped to collect from southern kingdoms. Highams bold self-confidence in dismissing a Mercian origin is unwise, in that such levels of certainty are wholly inappropriate in this context: all we can do is suggest hypotheses, while accepting that other hypotheses may be valid. As Featherstone and Sawyer point out, the methodical arrangement, with the kingdoms being arranged in an approximately clockwise order around Mercia, hints at a Mercian origin. The inclusion of a figure for Mercia, which Higham sees as evidence that the document is a Northumbrian tribute list, might be an assessment of internal food renders, Featherstone suggests. The preservation and copying of the Tribal Hidage imply that there was some practical purpose in estimating the hidation of Southumbria: it is still possible to accept tentatively the claims of Davies and Vierck that the Tribal Hidage is an indicator of widespread Mercian overlordship. There is some agreement that Egbert of Wessex, whom the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle appends to Bedes list of overlords and styles Bretwalda (Manuscript A ruler of Britain) or Brytenwalda (other Manuscripts wide ruler), was overlord of extensive territories. Keynes accepts the Chronicles claim that Egbert conquered the kingdom of the Mercians, and everything south of the Humber;19 this statement must cast doubt upon Stentons assertion that the extent of Egberts overlordship was not comparable to Offas. Nevertheless, Keynes claim that Egbert was the first, not the eighth, wide ruler is dubious: the evidence very strongly suggests that overlordship had been an aspect of Anglo-Saxon politics for centuries. However, the territories being brought under a single overlord were tending to increase in scale: the archaeological record suggests that the early great kings, like Aelle and Ceawlin, could aspire to rule much of the land south of the Humber, but nothing like as much as the later Mercians and Egbert. This trend was not relentless: in the period between Offa and Egbert, there is little evidence of comprehensive overlordship on the scale of either of these rulers. Although we observe this trend towards the formation of more extensive overlordships, we should not conclude, as Stenton and John do, that this trend could be extrapolated to encompass the unification of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. In the first place, it seems to have been increasingly difficult to convert overlordship into the actual amalgamation of kingdoms. Initially, with small kingdoms, it may not have been unduly difficult to effect such assimilation: Yorke points out that East Kent seems to have consumed West Kent sometime during the sixth century. Indeed, much amalgamation probably occurred in the sixth century, before the various kingdoms that we see emerged. Furthermore, it was often possible for a larger kingdom to digest a smaller one: this is seen in the cases of Deira (eventually subsumed into Bernicia after 651) and the Hwicce (gradually divested of independence by Mercia in the eighth century). However, integration was not always smooth: despite being united under Aethelfrith and Edwin, Deira was ruled separately under Oswine from 642 until 651. In the latter part of the pre-Viking period, it would have been very difficult for one of the greater kingdoms to consume another permanently: this is suggested by the fact that, despite their struggles and periods of subjection to one another, Northumbria, East Anglia, Mercia and Wessex all survived until the Viking onslaught. An illustration of this difficulty is the case of Mercia: Oswiu of Northumbria was only able to rule Mercia directly for three years after his victory in 655; he was driven out by the Mercian ealdormen in 658. Similarly, Egberts domination of Mercia was not secure: he was recognised as king by the Mercians in 829 but Wiglaf was restored in 830. Indeed, it would seem that political union was most successful when it was pursued gently: unlike Offas aggressive attempts to dominate Kent from 764 until 785, Wessexs absorption of Kent and Sussex was done with sensitivity to the local nobles; this did, however, mean that the sense of union was perhaps not cemented, as is suggested by Aethelwulfs proposed division of Greater Wessex, with Aethelbert succeeding in the East and his other sons taking Wessex itself in turn. However, unification in the ninth and tenth centuries can be explained in that the situation after the coming of the Vikings was different, since Mercia, East Anglia and Northumbria were seriously weakened by the attacks, aiding Wessexs expansion. Moreover, the overlordship that we see was probably highly opportunistic, without institutional underpinnings. Yorke is probably right that the principal motivation for overlordship was the collection of tribute: Bede mentions tribute in connection with overlordship20 and Eddius says that Wulfheres purpose in attacking Northumbria was to gain tribute.21 Furthermore, the Mercians could presumably have conquered a tribe like the Hicca (assessed at a mere 300 hides in the Tribal Hidage), had they wished to do so; that such tribes existed as notionally independent entities suggests that, if the Tribal Hidage is a Mercian tribute list, the Mercians were content with tribute rather than political union. However, John argues that there was some kind of institutional framework and that overlordship was being gradually translated into unification. Key to this argument is the adoption of formal titles by kings: John contends that the ideal of a united Britain was a real one in kings minds, citing the use of various titles. The most famous of these is Bretwalda or, as John prefers, Brytenwalda, which appear in different versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle;22 I shall not become drawn into an argument about which style is the original, because the ambiguity and confusion is sufficient of itself, as Wormald argues, to cast doubt upon the existence of such an institution in reality. Clearly, whoever was copying the manuscripts was not familiar with the term, which suggests that it was a literary construct devised retrospectively to describe Egbert; its frequent application to kings like Aelle and Raedwald is therefore probably anachronistic and Kirbys vision of kings striving to become Bretwalda23 is most likely to be fanciful. John also argues that other titles imply the existence of some kind of abstract concept of overlordship separate from the individual kings who happened to be overlords. For example, he highlights that Adomnan says that Oswald was ordained by God as emperor of all of Britain24 and that Boniface refers to Aethelbald wielding the glorious sceptre of imperial rule over the English.25 This evidence, combined with the point about Bretwaldas, is a rather thin basis for a case: it is quite possible that the titles were simply being used for flattery; the fact that Boniface calls Aethelbald king of the Mercians in his letter asking Herefrith to deliver the previous communication suggests that the imperial title used in the letter to Aethelbald was unofficial.26 Moreover, Offa is also generally styled king of the Mercians,27 as is Cenwulf.28 In their charters, they tend to claim to be kings of various kingdoms, rather than stressing titles of institutional overlordship. If there was no institution of overlordship, each de facto overlordship would have to start afresh in trying to create cohesion: the trend of increasingly extensive overlordship was not therefore destined to result in the formation of England, since there was often little continuity between the different overlords. The sense of common identity that began to emerge by the later ninth century (Alfred could speak of Angelkynn and Englisc) probably had far more to do with religious unity in the face of the pagan Viking threat. As Wormald argues, the Church, rather than the so-called Bretwaldas, was the institution that provided a common reference point for the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms, by stressing that the Gens Anglorum was a chosen people, selected to receive the Word. Given that there were most probably no institutions to produce continuity in overlordship, momentum towards unification could only be maintained as long as a particular kingdom was in the ascendant; however, the nature of Anglo-Saxon politics in this period was such that success tended to be transient. We see this is Northumbria, whose hegemony collapsed very quickly after defeats at the Battle of the Trent (679) and Nechtansmere (685). Likewise, Mercian hegemony seems to have declined gradually after Offa. There was, to a significant extent, a natural instability in the pattern of politics: kings required land to grant to warriors (to secure their support), which required the conquest of land, which required more warriors; this pattern was clearly unsustainable in the longer term. The importance of giving gifts to warriors is seen in Beowulf, where Hrothgar says that he will dispense / his God-given goods to young and old;29 Bede shows that such gifts were necessary in the real world, expressing concern that excessive endowment of secularised monasteries had left Northumbria with insufficient land to grant to warriors. 30 There is evidence to suggest that warriors would desert their lord, if he ceased to provide them with treasure and land: Aldhelm expresses disapproval of those who do this in his letter to the clergy of Bishop Wilfrid.31 Probably, the importance of conquering new lands explains why the initiative shifted away from the south-east to Northumbria, Mercia and Wessex: these kingdoms could, at least for a while, conquer land from Britons, in a way that kingdoms like Kent could not. A notable feature of both Beowulf and Anglo-Saxon politics is that kingdoms tended to come to grief sooner or later; success was rarely lasting. Another source of instability was internal dynastic politics: there seem to have been frequent civil wars. This is hardly surprising given that, according to Dumville, any aetheling could claim the throne through descent in the male line from the founder of the kingdom: the multiplicity of aethelings32 would not infrequently compete for the kingship. The Historia Regum attributed to Simeon of Durham demonstrates that four different dynasties competed for the Northumbrian throne between 759 and 796, with murders, exiles and (probably forced) tonsures being common.33 Similarly, there is evidence of the threat of dynastic instability in Mercia, in that Offa decided to eliminate his son Cenwulfs potential competitors; Alcuin attributes conflict in Cenwulfs reign to this policy and says that this was not the strengthening of his kingdom, but its ruin. 34 Given that there were such internal problems, it is hardly surprising that kingdoms could lose overlordship quickly, as dynastic politics came to predominate. The importance of dynastic stability is seen in the eventual rise of Wessex: Egberts successes against Mercia came when the latter was probably engaged in dynastic wrangles; Campbell suspects that neither Ludeca (825-7) nor Wiglaf (827-40) were related to their predecessors. On the other hand, the West Saxon succession was more stable, as Dumville points out: this is seen in the succession in turn of Aethelwulfs sons, even if it did not conform entirely to Aethelwulfs intentions. However, dynastic tension was generally a feature of the pre-Viking period: this contributed to the rapid rise and fall of kingdoms, meaning that overlordship could not consolidate into unification. We do therefore see a trend towards greater overlordships in this period, though it must be noted that this trend was gradual and not entirely linear. Nevertheless, it is clear that certain kings were able to exert influence over far larger areas just before the Viking invasions than others could at the beginning of the Anglo-Saxon period. However, it would be unwise to extrapolate this trend and interpret it as some kind of progression towards the eventual unification of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms under the West Saxons. It became harder to translate overlordship into political amalgamation as kingdoms grew, and overlordship was not itself stable, given the internal vicissitudes of kingdoms. We see that, before the later ninth and tenth centuries, no kingdom could sustain overlordship for long and, in the absence of recognised institutions of overlordship, this meant that whatever progress might conceivably have been made towards unification under one overlord was lost when his kingdoms power waned. The rise of Wessex was predicated upon factors that mostly could not have been foreseen: it was able to take advantage of the weakness of the other English kingdoms in the wake of the Viking attacks and could exploit the latent sense of religious unity, which was probably made stronger by the common, external, pagan threat. Bassetts extended metaphor of a knockout football competition, which inevitably produces a single winner, is not particularly apposite; while we might nowadays modify Kembles nineteenth century allusions (he described overlordship as a mere fluctuating superiority such as we may find in Hawaii, Tahiti or New Zealand, due to success in war and lost in turn by defeat35), his basic conclusion, that the overlordships that we see in the pre-Viking Anglo-Saxon kingdoms were not leading inexorably towards unification, still seems entirely reasonable. Bibliography Sources: Adomnan, Life of Columba, ed. and trans. R. Sharpe (1995) Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, in English Historical Documents, i, 1, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955) Beowulf, trans. S. Heaney (1999) Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ed. and trans. B. Colgrave and R.A.B. Mynors (1969) Bede, Letter to Egbert, in English Historical Documents, i, 170, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955) Eddius, Life of St Wilfred, in English Historical Documents, i, 154, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955) Simeon of Durham, Historia Regum, in English Historical Documents, i, 3, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955) Charters: in English Historical Documents, i, 54, 66-7, 76-7, 79-80, 85-7 Letters: in English Historical Documents, i, 165-6, 177-9, 191-3, 195, 197-200, 202, 204-5, 208-10, ed. and trans. D. Whitelock (1955) Secondary works: S. Bassett (ed.), The Origins of the Anglo-Saxon Kingdoms (1989) M.P. Brown and C.A. Farr (eds.), Mercia: An Anglo-Saxon Kingdom in Europe (2001) J. Campbell, Bedes Reges and Principes (Jarrow Lecture 1979), in J. Campbell, Essays in Anglo-Saxon History (1986) J. Campbell (ed.), The Anglo-Saxons (1982) J. Campbell, The Impact of the Sutton Hoo Discovery on the Study of Anglo-Saxon History, in J. Campbell, The Anglo-Saxon State (2000) W. Davies and H. Vierck, The Contexts of the Tribal Hidage: Social Aggregates and Settlement Patterns, in Frà ¯Ã‚ ¿Ã‚ ½hmittelalterliche Studien 8 (1974) D.N. Dumville, The Aetheling: a study in Anglo-Saxon Constitutional History, in Anglo-Saxon England 8 (1979) D.N. Dumville, The Terminology of Overkingship in Early Anglo-Saxon England, in The Anglo-Saxons from the Migration Period to the Eighth Century: An Ethnographic Perspective, ed. J. Hines (1997) N.J. Higham, An English Empire: Bede and the early Anglo-Saxon kings (1995) D. Hill, Offas Dyke: Pattern and Purpose, in Antiquaries Journal 80 (2000) E. John, Orbis Britanniae and the Anglo-Saxon Kings, in E. John, Orbis Britanniae (1966) J.M. Kemble, The Saxons in England, ed. and revised W. De G. Birch (1876) S. Keynes, Raedwald the Bretwalda, in Voyage to the Other World: the Legacy of Sutton Hoo, ed. C.B. Kendall and P.S. Wells (1992) S. Keynes, England 700-900, in The New Cambridge Medieval History II, c.700-c.900, ed. R. McKitterick (1995) D.P. Kirby, The Making of Early England (1967) D.P. Kirby, The Earliest English Kings (1991) J.N.L. Myres, Anglo-Saxon Pottery and the Settlement of England (1969) P.H. Sawyer, From Roman Britain to Norman England (1998) F.M. Stenton, The Supremacy of the Mercian Kings (1918), in F.M. Stenton, Preparatory to Anglo-Saxon England (1970) F.M. Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England (1971) A. Williams, Kingship and Government in Pre-Conquest England c.500-1066 (1999) P. Wormald, Bede, the Bretwaldas and the Origins of the Gens Anglorum, in Ideal and Reality in Frankish and Anglo-Saxon Society: Studies presented to J.M. Wallace-Hadrill, ed. P. Wormald et al. (1983) P. Wormald, The Venerable Bede and the Church of the English, The English Religious Tradition and the Genius of Anglicanism, ed. G. Rowell (1992) B. Yorke, Kings and Kingdoms of Early Anglo-Saxon England (1990) 1 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 865 2 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ii, 5 3 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 485, 491, 568, 577, 584 4 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, i, 25; ii, 3; ii, 5 5 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, i, 32 6 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ii, 5; ii, 9 7 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ii, 9; iii, 7 8 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ii, 14 9 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ii, 16 10 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, v, 23 11 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, iii, 30 12 Eddius, Life of St Wilfred, 20 13 English Historical Documents, i, 67 14 English Historical Documents, i, 76 15 English Historical Documents, i, 77 16 English Historical Documents, i, 80 17 English Historical Documents, i, 85 18 English Historical Documents, i, 87 19 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 829 20 Bede, Ecclesiastical History, ii, 5; iii, 24 21 Eddius, Life of St Wilfred, 20 22 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 829 23 Kirby, The Making of Early England, p 54 24 Adomnan, Life of Columba, i, 1 25 English Historical Documents, i, 177 26 English Historical Documents, i, 178 27 English Historical Documents, i, 191, 198, 210 28 English Historical Documents, i, 204, 205 29 Beowulf, lines 72-3 30 Bede, Letter to Egbert 31 English Historical Documents, i, 165 32 Dumville, The aetheling: a study in Anglo-Saxon constitutional history, p 13 33 Simeon of Durham, Historia Regum, in English Historical Documents, i, 3 34 English Historical Documents, i, 202 35 Kemble, The Saxons in England, volume ii, p 17

Swords :: Essays Papers

Swords The sword was the predominant weapon of the knight during the Middle Ages. According to the Arms and Armor Glossary, "Swords have a long tapered, usually two edged blade ranging from 32" to more than 72" In length ending in a point which was sometimes, but not always, used for thrusting." Knights used swords in battle because they were very light. In weight, ranging from 3-5 pounds. The first metal swords were made of bronze, but later they were crafted of iron. From the period of the sixth century until the fifteenth century the most popular weapon for both knights and squires was the broadsword. The broadsword is generally a two-edged sword that ranges in length from 30" to 42". This sword is 2" to 3" at the base and 1/16" to 1/8" at the point. A knight was able to fight all day with this weapon because of its light weight, yet it was heavy enough that it could inflict serious harm on anyone that was to get in it's way. The broadsword is so dangerous because it works by concentrating the force of its blow. Another popular type of sword was the bastardsword. Bastardsword is the modern word for hand and a half sword. This blade's popularity peaked during the fifteenth century. Being 44" to 50" in length this sword was longer than the traditional broadsword. Knights liked this sword because of its versatility, the extended handle allowed the blade to be used in either both hands or wielded in one hand. In general swords tend to weigh less than most people think. The pommels of many swords are thicker than they appear in most drawings and illustrations; they are heavy in order to counter the blade. Over time the sword came to possess a very strong symbolic meaning, different virtues were assigned to the two edges of the sword. "The two edges of the sword show that the knight serves both God and the people, and its point shows that all people must obey him." (Barber 36) The cross or quillion (a popular 16th century term) is another part of a sword. It was given this name because of its shape; the quillion resembles a Christian cross, which subsequently furthers the symbolism of the sword.

Biographical Sketch: Reverend Craig J. Wright

REVEREND CRAIG J. J. WRIGHT Biographical Sketch Reverend, Craig J. Wright is the Pastor of Calvary African Methodist Episcopal Church in Glen Cove, New York, and serves as the Associate Vice President for Equity, Inclusion and Affirmative Action at Nassau Community College, Garden City, New York. He has been a college administrator and student advocate since 1988, and a preacher of the Gospel since 1992. Pastor Wright is a native of Freeport, New York. In his home town, Craig Wright was active in leadership roles from his youth at Bethel A. M. E. Church, his home church; Freeport High School; and the Nassau County Economic Opportunity Commission (EOC). Craig Wright attended Cheyney University of Pennsylvania, where he gained invaluable experience as a Resident Advisor, Sophomore and Senior Class President, and was introduced to Phi Beta Sigma, Fraternity, Inc. He earned a Bachelor’s Degree in Political Science from Cheyney, Master of Science Degree in Human Resource Management/Labor Relations from New York Institute of Technology, and is currently pursuing a Doctorate of Ministry, in Urban Ministry, from Payne Theological Seminary. Reverend Wright is a charter member of Mu Delta Sigma, Chapter of Phi Beta Sigma Fraternity, Inc. is a member of the Village of Freeport’s Quality of Life Committee; serves on the Nassau County Hate Crimes Task Force and has served the community as: an Auxiliary Police Officer; a Trustee on the Board of Directors of the City of Glen Cove’s Boys and Girls Club; a member of La Fuerza Unida, Board of Trustees; and Nassau County Chapter of the American Red Cross, Board of Directors. He has presented motivational workshops and speeches for colleges and universities throughout the northeastern region of the United States and has conducted religious services throughout the country and Central Ameri ca. Reverend Wright believes that there is no ceiling to human potential. Pastor Wright was inducted into the New York State Martin Luther King, Jr. Dream Keepers Wall of Fame, and is the recipient of the Nassau County Executive Citation for Community Service, in addition to several awards and commendations from state and local officials, as well as student organizations. His happiest and proudest achievements are being a husband for twenty-four (24) years to his high school sweetheart, Danita, and being a father of two sons.

Platos The Apology Essay - 1530 Words

How you have felt, O men of Athens, at hearing the speeches of my accusers, I cannot tell; but I know that their persuasive words almost made me forget who I was – such was the effect of them; and yet they have hardly spoken a word of truth.† – Plato â€Å"The Apology† In â€Å"The Apology,† Socrates represents himself in his own trial. He boldly questions the morality of the people of court. In this report, I will be analyzing portions of â€Å"The Apology† in order to reveal the intellectuality of this text within this time frame. I will only discuss bits of â€Å"The Apologyâ€Å" on account that it is a lengthy piece. However, before discussing the speech it is important to set the scene. Socrates was born in 469 B.C.E. and lived to 399 B.C.E. (Nails, 2014).†¦show more content†¦Under this regime was Socrates sentenced to death. â€Å"The Apology† allows not only for us to conceptualize Socrates’ trail, but it also provides a glimpse of the way the government was set up in this time. In â€Å"The Apology,† Socrates is summoned to a trail based on accusations convicting him of impious beliefs and corrupting the youth. Socrates, first, addresses the charges of corrupting the youth. He begins by stating that Meletus could care less about matters concerning children. He, then, inquires if Meletus â€Å"†¦think[s] a great deal about the improvement of youth†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (Lawall, 786). To this Meletus responds with an earnest answer. â€Å"Yes, I do† (p.786). Socrates responds with a sequence of questions regarding Meletus’s view of the â€Å"improver† of children. Meletus answers these questions with simple answers; he names the laws judges, senators, and â€Å"the members of the assembly.† (p. 786) To each of Meletus’s responses, Socrates has an anti thetical reply. Socrates generally refutes this charge by comparing the care of horses to the care of children. â€Å"Does one man do them [horses] harm and all the world good? Is not the exact opposite the truth?† (786). He goes on to say that the world would be a much better place if all but one person were virtuous. He, then, asks if it is better to live among the good or the bad. Meletus agrees that it is better to live among the good (786). Socrates asks if his corruption of the children is intentional or unintentionalShow MoreRelatedPlatos The Apology659 Words   |  3 Pages Platos The Apology is an account of the speech Socrates makes at the trial where he is charged for various reasons; not recognizing the gods recognized by the state, inventing new deities, and corrupting the youth of Athens. Socrates did not win over the jury pleading his case, and was therefore sentenced to execution. It can be said that Plato’s Apology of Sokrates, although an unsuccessful attempt at defending Socrates on the charges of corruption the youth of Athens, is a successful defenseRead MorePlatos The Apology792 Words   |  3 PagesPlato’s The Apology is the speech that Socrates makes at the trial in which he is charged with not recognizing the gods recognized by the state, creating new deities, and corrupting the youth of Athens. Even though the title of Socrates’ speech is The Apology, it is not an apology for his actions, but rather he attempts to defend himself and his conduct. The apology has made me reflect on whether a person should focus on i mproving himself or herself, or should they focus on improving other peopleRead MoreEssay on Platos Apology932 Words   |  4 PagesPlatos Apology At the elderly age of seventy, Socrates found himself fighting against an indictment of impiety. He was unsuccessful at trial in the year 399 B.C. The charges were corrupting the youth of Athens, not believing in the traditional gods in whom the city believed, and finally, that he believed in other new divinities. In Platos Apology, Socrates defends himself against these charges. He claims that the jurors opinions are biased because they had probably all seen AristophanesRead More Platos Apology Essay1086 Words   |  5 PagesPlatos Apology Plato’s Apology is the story of the trial of Socrates, the charges brought against him and his maintaining of his own innocence throughout the process. At the onset of the trial, Socrates appears to challenging the charges, which included corrupting the youth, challenging belief in the gods that were accepted and reveled by the State, and introducing a new religious focus, but also belittles his own significance and suggesting that he will not attempt to disprove thatRead MorePlatos Apology And Crito1036 Words   |  5 PagesIn Plato’s â€Å"Apology† and â€Å"Crito†, I believe Socrates’ philosophy of not doing harmful things on purpose, because of ignorance, or the act of doing it unwillingly, is false. First I will show you some contradictions introduced in the books of the Apology, and Crito and explain them. Next, I will explain how in the present day Socrates philosophy is false due to the vices of mankind, with evidence from the Apol ogy, then I will show you how Socrates might argue his point and a counter argument in presentRead MorePlatos The Republic and The Apology1714 Words   |  7 Pages In Plato’s The Republic and The Apology, the topic of justice is examined from multiple angles in an attempt to discover what justice is, as well as why living a just life is desirable. Plato, writing through Socrates, identifies in The Republic what he thought justice was through the creation of an ideal city and an ideal soul. Both the ideal city and the ideal soul have three components which, when all are acting harmoniously, create what Socrates considers to be justice. Before he outlines thisRead More Platos Apology Essay794 Words   |  4 PagesPlato’s Apology In the retelling of his trial by his associate, Plato, entitled â€Å"The Apology†; Socrates claims in his defense that he only wishes to do good for the polis. I believe that Socrates was innocent of the accusations that were made against him, but he possessed contempt for the court and displayed that in his conceitedness and these actions led to his death. In his defense, Socrates claims over and again that he is innocent and is not at all wise, â€Å"†¦for I know that I haveRead MorePlatos The Apology : The Meaning Of Life759 Words   |  4 PagesPlato’s â€Å"The Apology† takes places in Athens in 399 BC. Socrates, a natural philosopher, is put on trial and accused of failing to recognize the god of Athens, creating new deities, and corrupting the minds of the city youth. The Athenians, Anytus, Meletus, and Lycon fear that Socrates’ teachings lack respect for the legal customs and religious beliefs established in the city and could create a damaging effect on Athens’ community (Dan I.(n.d.). In this piece, Plato writes an account of Socrates’Read MorePlatos Apology And Crito Analysis1873 Words   |  8 PagesTensions between moral philosopher and the faithful citizen of the polis are highlighted in Plato’s Apology and Crito. In the Apology, Socrates is faced with a death sentence at t he hands of the state, but ironically is unapologetic in his discourse while defending himself. The Crito, however, displays Socrates in a dialogue where he chooses to engage and characterize the laws as a means of arguing for his faithfulness to the decision of the polis. Indeed, he uses the laws as a rhetorical deviceRead MoreCharacteristics Of The Tragedy Of Platos Apology1068 Words   |  5 Pagesdisplayed the proper elements of adversity within the â€Å"Apology† and detailed the unfairness the democratic society of Athens presents by punishing an opposing, equally justified force. Socrates preforms his defence arrogantly and sarcastically in the courtroom of Athens, humouring his own trial where he faced a grave fate. Socrates would not accept a verdict of guilty, therefore would not accept any other punishment than freedom. Platos Apology depicts the dramatically tragic death of philosopher